Showing posts with label World News. Show all posts
Showing posts with label World News. Show all posts

Sunday, December 11, 2011

Panama's ex-ruler Noriega returns home after 22 years


Police in Panama City pass next to a street vendor's stand decorated with pictures and articles of Manuel Noriega on Friday..


  Former Panamanian dictator Manuel Noriega arrived Sunday evening in his home country, nearly 22 years after U.S. forces forcibly removed him from office.
The 77-year old was expected to head straight to prison to serve time for crimes committed during his rule. He will be flown to and housed in an individual cell in El Renacer, a medium-security facility in Gamboa, the government said.
Noriega arrived at the Tocumen International Airport in Panama City.
"I think it has historic and symbolic significance," said Michael Shifter, president of the Inter-American Dialogue, about the former leader's return.
"It's a sense of closure for the Panamanian people. He clearly was a dictator for six years and presided over assassinations, disappearances and killing of opposition leaders. And so I think that it's something that was unfinished business and I think it's important for Panama to have a sense of closure," he said.
Noriega's extradition process began Sunday morning with a flight from Paris to Madrid. He was in Spanish police custody during a four-hour layover before leaving Madrid Sunday afternoon on a flight to Panama City, a spokesman for Spain's airport authority said.
Last month, a French court authorized his extradition to Panama, where officials want Noriega to face justice in the killings of Hugo Spadafora, his political opponent, and at least one other person. He was convicted in absentia.
Noriega has been in France since 2010, after two decades in an American prison.
Authorities have strengthened security to guarantee his safety in Panama, according to Panamanian Foreign Minister Roberto Henriquez.
"We have to be ready for all the possibilities in all aspects. Noriega inspires very big emotions, and Noriega's life could very well be at risk in Panama," Henriquez said.
Interior Minister Roxana Mendez said Noriega will receive the same treatment as other inmates in the Panamanian prison.
"The Panamanian state has no special consideration when it comes to him serving his sentence inside the prison complex," Mendez said. "However, based on our laws, and if there's a valid request from his attorneys, they can ask that he be transferred from the prison to house arrest if the inmate's health is in jeopardy or if the inmate, being over 70 years old, may face risks inside the prison complex."
Last year, a French court sentenced Noriega to seven years in prison for laundering 2.3 million euros ($2.9 million) through banks there. He was ordered to pay the money back.
Noriega denied the charges.
For almost two decades, Noriega was a major player in a country of critical regional importance to the United States because of its location on the Panama Canal, the key strategic and economic waterway between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans on the narrow isthmus linking the Americas.
Amid growing unrest in Panama, then-U.S. President George H.W. Bush ordered the invasion of Panama in December 1989, saying Noriega's rule posed a threat to U.S. lives and property.
Noriega fled his offices and tried to seek sanctuary in the Vatican Embassy in Panama City.
He surrendered in January 1990 and was quickly escorted to the United States for civilian trial.
Noriega was indicted in the United States on charges of racketeering, laundering drug money and drug trafficking. He was accused of having links to Colombian drug lord Pablo Escobar's notorious Medellin cartel and, in the process, amassing a multimillion-dollar fortune.
He was convicted of drug trafficking and other crimes in the United States.
While in U.S. custody, he suffered from prostate cancer and a stroke.

Credit : CNN

Thursday, February 3, 2011

Street Battle Over the Arab Future

Ed Ou for The New York Times

Protesters calling for President Hosni Mubarak to step down, injured in fighting on Wednesday in Cairo, received treatment at a mosque that had been turned into a makeshift hospital.


Demonstrators wielded sticks during clashes on Wednesday between pro- and anti-government factions in Cairo.

Tens of thousands of protesters who have reimagined the very notion of citizenship in a tumultuous week of defiance proclaimed with sticks, home-made bombs and a shower of rocks that they would not surrender their revolution to the full brunt of an authoritarian government that answered their calls for change with violence.

The Arab world watched a moment that suggested it would never be the same again — and waited to see whether protest or crackdown would win the day. Words like “uprising” and “revolution” only hint at the scale of events in Egypt, which have already reverberated across Yemen, Jordan, Syria and even Saudi Arabia, offering a new template for change in a region that long reeled from its own sense of stagnation. “Every Egyptian understands now,” said Magdi al-Sayyid, one of the protesters.

The protesters have spoken for themselves to a government that, like many across the Middle East, treated them as a nuisance. For years, pundits have predicted that Islamists would be the force that toppled governments across the Arab world. But so far, they have been submerged in an outpouring of popular dissent that speaks to a unity of message, however fleeting — itself a sea change in the region’s political landscape. In the vast panorama of Tahrir Square on Wednesday, Egyptians were stationed at makeshift barricades, belying pat dismissals of the power of the Arab street.

“The street is not afraid of governments anymore,” said Shawki al-Qadi, an opposition lawmaker in Yemen, itself roiled by change. “It is the opposite. Governments and their security forces are afraid of the people now. The new generation, the generation of the Internet, is fearless. They want their full rights, and they want life, a dignified life.”

The power of Wednesday’s stand was that it turned those abstractions into reality.

The battle was waged by Mohammed Gamil, a dentist in a blue tie who ran toward the barricades of Tahrir Square. It was joined by Fayeqa Hussein, a veiled mother of seven who filled a Styrofoam container with rocks. Magdi Abdel-Rahman, a 60-year-old grandfather, kissed the ground before throwing himself against crowds mobilized by a state bent on driving them from the square. And the charge was led by Yasser Hamdi, who said his 2-year-old daughter would live a life better than the one he endured.

“Aren’t you men?” he shouted. “Let’s go!”

As the crowd pushed back the government’s men, down a street of airline offices, banks and a bookstore called L’Orientaliste, Mr. Abdel-Rahman made the stakes clear. “They want to take our revolution from us,” he declared.

The Muslim Brotherhood, Egypt’s largest opposition force, has entered the fray. In a poignant moment, its followers knelt in prayer at dusk, their faces lighted by the soft glow of burning fires a stone’s throw away. But Mr. Abdel-Rahman’s description of the uprising as a revolution suggested that the events of the past week had overwhelmed even the Brotherhood, long considered the sole agent of change here.

“Dignity” was a word often used Wednesday, and its emphasis underlined the breadth of a movement that is, so far, leaderless. Neither the Brotherhood nor a handful of opposition leaders — men like Mohammed ElBaradei or Ayman Nour — have managed to articulate hopelessness, the humiliations at the hands of the police and the outrage at having too little money to marry, echoed in the streets of Palestinian camps in Jordan and in the urban misery of Baghdad’s Sadr City. For many, the Brotherhood itself is a vestige of an older order that has failed to deliver.

“The problem is that for 30 years, Mubarak didn’t let us build an alternative,” said Adel Wehba, as he watched the tumult in the square. “No alternative for anything.”

The lack of an alternative may have led to the uprising, making the street the last option for not only the young and dispossessed but also virtually every element of Egypt’s population — turbaned clerics, businessmen from wealthy suburbs, film directors and well-to-do engineers. Months ago, despair at the prospect of change in the Arab world was commonplace. Protesters on Wednesday acted as though they were making a last stand at what they had won, in an uprising that is distinctly nationalist.

“He won’t go,” President Hosni Mubarak’s supporters chanted on the other side. “He will go,” went the reply. “We’re not going to go.”

The word “traitor” rang out Wednesday. The insult was directed at Mr. Mubarak, and it echoed the sentiment heard in so many parts of the Arab world these days — governments of an American-backed order in most of the region have lost their legitimacy, built on the idea that people would surrender their rights for the prospect of security and stability. In the square on Wednesday, protesters offered an alternative, their empowerment standing as possibly the most remarkable legacy of a people who often lamented their apathy.


Everyone seemed joined in the moment, fists, batons and rocks banging any piece of metal to rally themselves. A man stood on a tank turret, urging protesters forward. Another cried as he shouted at Mr. Mubarak’s men. “Come here!” he said. “Here is where’s right.” Men and women ferried rocks in bags, cartons and boxes to the barricades. Bassem Yusuf, a heart surgeon, heard news of the clashes on television and headed to the square at dusk, stitching wounds at a makeshift clinic run by volunteers.

“We’re not going to destroy our country,” said Mohammed Kamil, a 48-year-old, surging with the crowd. “We’re not going to let this dog make us do that.”

From minute-by-minute coverage on Arabic channels to conversations from Iraq to Morocco, the Middle East watched breathlessly at a moment as compelling as any in the Arab world in a lifetime. For the first time in a generation, Arabs seem to be looking again to Egypt for leadership, and that sense of destiny was voiced throughout the day.

“I tell the Arab world to stand with us until we win our freedom,” said Khaled Yusuf, a cleric from Al Azhar, a once esteemed institution of religious scholarship now beholden to the government. “Once we do, we’re going to free the Arab world.”

For decades, the Arab world has waited for a savior — be it Gamal Abdel-Nasser, the charismatic Egyptian president, or even, for a time, Saddam Hussein. No one was waiting for a savior on Wednesday. Before nearly three decades of accumulated authority — the power of a state that can mobilize thousands to heed its whims — people had themselves.

“I’m fighting for my freedom,” Noha al-Ustaz said as she broke bricks on the curb. “For my right to express myself. For an end to oppression. For an end to injustice.”

“Go forward,” the cries rang out, and she did, disappearing into a sea of men.

Monday, January 31, 2011

Protests Persist in Egypt as New Cabinet Is Seated


Mohamed ElBaradei, the Nobel laureate and opposition leader, joined the protesters in Liberation Square in Cairo.


CAIRO — In a limited gesture unlikely to ease protesters’ pressure for his ouster, President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt reorganized his government on Monday, leaving some key ministers in place but replacing the interior minister in charge of the police.



An Egyptian army soldier tried to stop anti-government protesters as they walked towards Liberation Square in Cairo on Sunday.

The announcement came as Egyptian protesters gathered by the thousands on Monday for a seventh day in the central Liberation Square. Concerns over violence grew, as for the first time in three days, security police redeployed and clustered near the square’s entrances along with soldiers.

“I brought my American passport today in case I die today,” said Marwan Mossaad, 33, a graduate student of architecture with dual Egyptian-American citizenship. “I want the American people to know that they are supporting one of the most oppressive regimes in the world and Americans are also dying for it.”

In contrast to the prior days of protests dominated by the young, the demonstrations Monday included a more obvious contingent of older, disciplined protesters and members of the Muslim Brotherhood. Egyptians gathered at mosques around the city for noon prayers and then marched by the hundreds and thousands toward Liberation Square.

“Come down Egyptians!” chanted one group heading to the square, drawing men into their march from the buildings they passed. The group, led by older men, linked hands and kept to one lane of traffic, allowing cars to pass.

At the square, they joined protesters who had stayed there all night in defiance of a curfew that the authorities are now seeking to enforce an hour earlier in the day. The numbers in the square appeared to exceed those of previous days, despite an apparent effort by the military to impose some kind of authority and corral the protesters into a narrower space. Army troops checked the identity of people entering the square and began placing a cordon of concrete barriers and razor wire around its access routes, news reports said, but there were no immediate reports of clashes with protesters who have cast the military as their ally and protector. As military helicopters circled overhead, demonstrators jabbed their fists in the air. “The people and the army are one hand,” protesters chanted.

Organizers said they were calling for the largest demonstrations yet — a “march of millions” — on Tuesday, seen as an attempt to retake the initiative in the face of a government campaign to cast the uprising as an incubator of lawlessness after several nights of looting.

Witnesses in Alexandria, Egypt’s second city on the Mediterranean coast, said police had also returned to the streets, though in small numbers accompanied by soldiers.

At Cairo airport, American Embassy officials said, a voluntary evacuation of Americans — including dependents of government officials in Egypt, some diplomats and private citizens — got under way on Monday with a flight to Cyprus and two to Athens as passengers waited to board six more heading for other unspecified destinations described as safe havens, including Turkey.

Israel, meanwhile, was reported to have called on the United States and a number of European countries over the weekend to mute criticism of Mr. Mubarak to preserve stability in the region, according to the Israeli newspaper Haaretz.

But an Israeli government official, speaking on condition of anonymity because of the delicacy of the issue, said that the Haaretz report does not reflect the position of the prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu. Mr. Netanyahu spoke cautiously in his first public remarks on the situation in Egypt, telling his cabinet that the Israeli government’s efforts were “designed to continue and maintain stability and security in our region.”

“I remind you that the peace between Israel and Egypt has endured for over three decades and our goal is to ensure that these relations continue,” he said on Sunday as Egypt’s powerful Muslim Brotherhood and the secular opposition banded together around a prominent government critic to negotiate for forces seeking the fall of Mr. Mubarak.

The announcement that the critic, Mohamed ElBaradei, would represent a loosely unified opposition reconfigured the struggle between Mr. Mubarak’s government and a six-day-old uprising bent on driving him and his party from

Though lacking deep support on his own, Dr. ElBaradei, a Nobel laureate and diplomat, could serve as a consensus figure for a movement that has struggled to articulate a program for a potential transition. It suggested, too, that the opposition was aware of the uprising’s image abroad, putting forth a candidate who might be more acceptable to the West than beloved in Egypt.

Egyptians held up defaced portraits of President Hosni Mubarak at Liberation Square in Cairo on Sunday, the sixth day of mass demonstrations against his rule.

In scenes as tumultuous as any since the uprising began, Dr. ElBaradei defied a government curfew on Sunday night and joined thousands of protesters in Liberation Square, which has become the epicenter of the uprising and a platform, writ small, for the frustrations, ambitions and resurgent pride of a generation claiming the country’s mantle.

“Today we are proud of Egyptians,” Dr. ElBaradei told throngs who surged toward him in a square festooned with banners calling for Mr. Mubarak’s fall. “We have restored our rights, restored our freedom, and what we have begun cannot be reversed.”

Dr. ElBaradei declared it a “new era,” and as night fell there were few in Egypt who seemed to disagree.

Dr. ElBaradei also criticized the Obama administration, as Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton delivered the message via Sunday news programs in Washington that Mr. Mubarak should create an “orderly transition” to a more politically open Egypt, while she refrained from calling on him to resign. That approach, Dr. ElBaradei said, was “a failed policy” eroding American credibility.

“It’s better for President Obama not to appear that he is the last one to say to President Mubarak, it’s time for you to go,” Dr. ElBaradei said.

The tumult Sunday seemed perched between two deepening narratives: a vision of anarchy offered by the government, and echoed by Egyptians fearing chaos, against the perspective of protesters and many others that the uprising had become what they called “a popular revolution.”

The military, Egypt’s most powerful institution and one embedded deeply in all aspects of life here, reinforced parts of the capital Sunday. It gathered as many as 100 tanks and armored carriers at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier, the site of President Anwar el-Sadat’s assassination in 1981, which brought Mr. Mubarak to power. The Interior Ministry announced it would again deploy once-ubiquitous police forces — despised by many as the symbol of the daily humiliations of Mr. Mubarak’s government — across the country, except in Liberation Square.

In a collapse of authority, the police withdrew from major cities on Saturday, giving free rein to gangs that stole and burned cars, looted shops and ransacked a fashionable mall, where dismembered mannequins for conservative Islamic dress were strewn over broken glass and puddles of water. Thousands of inmates poured out of four prisons, including the country’s most notorious, Abu Zaabal and Wadi Natroun. Checkpoints run by the military and neighborhood groups, sometimes spaced just a block apart, proliferated across Cairo and other cities.

Many have darkly suggested that the government was behind the collapse of authority as a way to justify a crackdown or discredit protesters’ calls for change.

“Egypt challenges anarchy,” a government-owned newspaper declared Sunday.

“A Conspiracy by Security to Support the Scenario of Chaos,” replied an independent newspaper in a headline that shared space at a downtown kiosk.

The United States said it was organizing flights to evacuate its citizens on Monday, and the American Embassy urged all Americans to “consider leaving as soon as they can safely do so,” in a statement that underlined a deep sense of pessimism among Egypt’s allies over Mr. Mubarak’s fate.

“We’re worried about the chaos, sure,” said Selma al-Tarzi, 33, a film director who had joined friends in Liberation Square. “But everyone is aware the chaos is generated by the government. The revolution is not generating the chaos.”

Still, driven by instances of looting — and rumors fed by Egyptian television’s unrelenting coverage of lawlessness — it was clear that many feared the menace could worsen, and possibly undermine the protesters’ demands.

“At first the words were right,” said Abu Sayyid al-Sayyid, a driver. “The protests were peaceful — freedom, jobs and all that. But then the looting came and the thugs and thieves with it. Someone has to step in before there’s nothing left to step into.”

For a government that long celebrated the mantra of Arab strongmen — security and stability — Mr. Mubarak and his officials seemed to stumble in formulating a response to the most serious challenge to his rule. Mr. Mubarak appeared on state television on Sunday in a meeting with military chiefs in what was portrayed as business as usual. Through the day, the station broadcast pledges of fealty from caller after caller.

“Behind you are 80 million people, saying yes to Mubarak!” one declared.

That was the rarest of comments across Cairo, though, as anger grew at what residents described as treason and betrayal on the part of a reeling state.

Since the uprising began last week, the Muslim Brotherhood has taken part in the protests but shied away from a leadership role, though that appeared to change Sunday. Mohammed el-Beltagui, a key Brotherhood leader and former Parliament member, said an alliance of the protest’s more youthful leaders and older opposition figures had met again in an attempt to assemble a more unified front with a joint committee.

It included Dr. ElBaradei, along with other prominent figures like Ayman Nour and Osama al-Ghazali Harb, who have struggled to build a popular following. By far, the Brotherhood represents the most powerful force, but Mr. Beltagui and another Brotherhood official, Mohamed el-Katatni, said the group understood the implications of seeking leadership in a country still deeply divided over its religious program.

Whether Dr. ElBaradei can emerge as that consensus figure remained unclear. He won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2005 for his work leading the United Nations nuclear watchdog, the International Atomic Energy Agency.

Even in Liberation Square, the crowd’s reaction to Dr. ElBaradei was mixed — some were sympathetic but many more were reserved in their support for a man who has spent much time abroad.

Whatever his success, the army, long an institution shielded from criticism in the state media, was still the fulcrum of events, with a growing recognition that it would probably play the pivotal role in shaping the outcome.

In a show of authority, Mr. Mubarak was shown meeting with Defense Minister Mohammed Tantawi and Omar Suleiman, his right-hand man and the country’s intelligence chief, whom he appointed as vice president on Saturday. In slogans and actions, protesters cultivated the military, too, in a bid to turn it to their side.

Across the capital, youths and some older men guarded their own neighborhoods, sometimes posting themselves at each block and alley.

“We know each other, we stand by each other and people respect what we’re doing,” said Ramadan Farghal, who headed one self-defense group in the poorer neighborhood of Bassateen. “This is the Egyptian people. We used to be one hand.”


Friday, January 28, 2011

Cell Phones : RIM Says It Can't Give India Access to BlackBerry E-Mails


blackberryRIM may have resolved its BlackBerry issues in the Middle East and Indonesia, but the company's negotiations with India seem to have hit a wall. Today, the smartphone manufacturer reiterated that it cannot allow the Indian government to monitor corporate e-mails sent from Blackberry devices because, according to RIM, the technology simply doesn't exist.

"We can't give a solution for enterprise services [corporate email]," said Robert Crow, RIM's VP for industry, government and university relations. "It's not possible to do so, because the keys of that service are with the corporate enterprises and corporate entity that owns the server." Earlier this month, the company gave India access to data sent via its BlackBerry messenger service, but government officials were hoping for more.

The Indian government has long maintained that access to encrypted mobile data is crucial to its domestic anti-terrorism agenda. Crow will hold further discussions with Indian authorities over the next few days, though the country has yet to set a hard deadline for resolving the issue.

Cell Phones : Egypt enters communication blackout with disruption to internet, SMS, and BlackBerry messaging

We don't know what exactly is going on over in Egypt, but the country's government seems to have decided that keeping in touch with the outside world is no longer desirable and has almost completely shut down internet, SMS, and BlackBerry communications. It's not surprising, therefore, that reports are emerging in rather piecemeal form at the moment, though Renesys has hard data showing that almost all routes for exchanging internet traffic with the country have been shut down, with only Noor Group excepted from the block -- a move the internet analytics company theorizes might have been motivated by a desire to keep the Egyptian Stock Exchange online. The reasons for this blackout remain open to speculation and interpretation -- most of which, we remind you, has better destinations than your favorite tech blog -- but its content is clearly an extreme step for any government to take. Check out the links below for further details.

Tuesday, January 25, 2011

Social Network : With Twitter Blocked, Egypt's Protesters Turning to Facebook


protests on police day
Thousands of Egyptians filled the streets of Cairo, Alexandria and other cities today, in protest of their government's economic policies, and rampant political corruption. And, much like the Tunisian demonstrators who inspired them, Egypt's protesters have taken full advantage of social networking sites like Twitter and Facebook to spread information and organize their actions. Now, however, it appears that Twitter has been blocked within the country, though some resourceful demonstrators are still finding a way to broadcast their 140-character missives to the rest of the Web.

At this point, Twitter's site and mobile platform are both inaccessible within Egypt, as are third-party Twitter clients. But a source told Tech Crunch that some users have circumvented the blackout by using Web proxies. There hasn't been any confirmation of government involvement in the ban, but, as this Herdict Report confirms, the service is clearly inaccessible to many within the country. Vodafone Egypt, for its part, insists that it had nothing to do with the incident, which the mobile provider attributes to saturated networks.

Egyptian protesters are still using Facebook to disseminate news and organize demonstrations. A group called 'We Are All Khaled Said' is posting regular updates (both confirmed and unconfirmed) on what's happening on the ground in Egypt. A recent post reads, "Mobile phone networks are being taken off completely. Very very limited network coverage in Cairo now." Another confirms that Anonymous has already launched 'Operation Egypt,' after having launched a series of retaliatory cyber attacks in Tunisia earlier this month. Even without Twitter, then, it appears that Egyptians will find a way to broadcast their struggle to the world -- and we'll have a window through which to watch it unfold.

Video : Suicide Fail: Argentinian Woman Jumps Out of 23rd Floor Window-Lands on Taxi and Lives


Monday, January 17, 2011

Duvalier Meets With Advisers as Haiti Holds Its Breath


MEXICO CITY — Haiti’s former dictator, Jean-Claude Duvalier, huddled with his advisers at a Port-au-Prince hotel on Monday, a day after his stunning return to the country he ruled with brutality and corruption for almost 15 years.

Mr. Duvalier, who is known as Baby Doc, had been expected to speak publicly on Monday, and reporters and Haitians clustered around his hotel, the luxurious Karibe. But the plans were abruptly canceled. A Duvalier aide, Henry Robert Sterlin, said the hotel could not accommodate the crowds and no suitable replacement location could be found.

The sudden arrival of Mr. Duvalier, who ruled Haiti from the time he was 19 until he was forced to flee by mass protests in 1986, threatened to further convulse a country that is struggling to recover from the earthquake, a lingering cholera epidemic, the political uncertainty stemming from last year’s contested presidential election and an epidemic of violent crime.

Mr. Sterlin said he did not know how long Mr. Duvalier, who has been living in exile near Paris, planned to stay in Haiti, or if he planned to meet with Haiti’s president, René Préval. An aide said Mr. Préval was among those surprised by Mr. Duvalier’s arrival.

A friend said that Mr. Duvalier would stay for three or four days, but that he would eventually like to resettle in Haiti. The friend spoke on the condition of anonymity because he was not Mr. Duvalier’s official representative.

The capital was calm on Monday. On his arrival in Port-au-Prince the day before, Mr. Duvalier was treated by some like a visiting dignitary, according to the Web site of the Haitian newspaper Le Nouvelliste. “I came to put myself at the service of my country,” he was quoted as saying as he left the plane.

Crowds lined his route from the airport and, referring to the nation’s dismal conditions, chanted, “If Jean-Claude had been here, we would never be like this,” the newspaper said.

Mr. Duvalier and his girlfriend, Véronique Roy, were chauffeured to the Karibe Hotel in a four-wheel-drive vehicle that was escorted by members of the Haitian national police and followed by a “procession,” the newspaper said.

Some analysts noted a lack of protests against an international pariah who had been chased from his country by angry demonstrators. In the raucous celebration that followed his fall from power, several people, many of them members of his security force, were killed and demonstrators broke into the mausoleum of his father, Francois Duvalier, another brutal dictator who ruled in the 1950s and 60s.

Elizabeth Abbott, a senior research associate at the University of Toronto’s Trinity College and the author of “Haiti: The Duvaliers and Their Legacy,” said Mr. Duvalier had many loyalists inside Haiti. Graffiti that read “Welcome home, Duvalier” began appearing weeks ago in the capital, and rumors persisted that he would arrive soon.

For some Haitians born after he was deposed, she said, Mr. Duvalier may be a symbol of a time when the streets were safer.

“He is a figurehead,” said Ms. Abbott, who is a sister-in-law of the general who deposed Mr. Duvalier. “There is an awful lot of nostalgia there now. But it is a nostalgia for a tiny aspect of what life was like then.”

On Monday, Duvalier opponents began calling in to Haitian radio stations, to remind Haitians not old enough to remember his rule of the brutality and economic hardship that led him to be deposed. And Amnesty International urged the Haitian authorities to arrest Mr. Duvalier for human rights abuses committed during his rule in 1970s and ’80s.

“The widespread and systematic human rights violations committed in Haiti during Duvalier’s rule amount to crimes against humanity,” said Javier Zuniga, a special adviser to the human rights group. “Haiti is under the obligation to prosecute him and anyone else responsible for such crimes.”

There were conflicting reports about how Mr. Duvalier was allowed to enter the country. Haitian officials said it appeared he made his way to Port-au-Prince on an expired diplomatic passport. But the Le Nouvelliste article said he had a Haitian diplomatic passport that was issued to him by the transitional government of 2004 to 2006.

A senior aide to Mr. Préval said the French Embassy in Port-au-Prince told Haitian officials that Mr. Duvalier’s arrival only became clear after the Air France flight on which he was traveling took off for the Haitian capital from the Caribbean island of Guadaloupe. A senior French government official in Paris said, however, that Mr. Duvalier had told the French authorities of his planned return to Haiti without specifying when he would arrive. The official declined to be identified, in keeping with protocol.

The French Foreign Ministry spokesman, Bernard Valero, said Mr. Duvalier’s Haitian passport was valid and he was “free to move around.”

Mr. Préval had said in 2007 that Mr. Duvalier could return but would face justice for the money the government said he had looted from the Treasury, as well as for the deaths and torture of political opponents at the hands of the secret police.

It was unclear if Mr. Duvalier would be arrested. The Haitian police chief, Mario Andresol, told The Miami Herald that he was not aware that any arrest warrant had been issued.

Mr. Duvalier has long flirted with returning, telling reporters over the years that he would like to go home. His nickname derives from his being the son of François Duvalier, known as Papa Doc, a much feared dictator in the 1950s and ’60s. Jean-Claude Duvalier succeeded his father when he was just 19.

His departure from Haiti 25 years ago, which was arranged with the assistance of the United States, ushered in a period of halting democracy that has continued with tumultuous elections.

On Sunday, the United States ambassador to Haiti, Kenneth H. Merten, embraced an international report that rejected the results of the presidential election in November, adding pressure on Haitian officials to reconsider the outcome. He urged Haitian officials to accept its findings, including the conclusion that one candidate might have been denied a rightful spot in a runoff.

The report, delivered on Thursday to Mr. Préval and prepared by a multinational team of experts convened by the Organization of American States, confirmed Mirlande Manigat, a former first lady, as the leader in the first round of voting in November. She did not win enough votes to avoid a runoff.

But the report said, based on a statistical analysis of ballot sheets, that Mr. Préval’s choice as his successor, Jude Célestin, had placed third, not second, as announced when the initial results were released in early December. Instead, the panel said, Michel Martelly, a popular singer, had won second place and qualified to face Ms. Manigat in the second round of balloting.

Mr. Préval has not commented on the report, but his aides have been privately telling reporters that he is dissatisfied and questions its methodology.

With the leadership of the country and billions of dollars of disaster relief in the balance, José Miguel Insulza, the secretary general of the Organization of American States, plans to visit Haiti on Monday to consult with officials. His trip was announced before news of Mr. Duvalier’s arrival.

After leaving Haiti in February 1986, Mr. Duvalier was denied asylum in several countries, including Switzerland and Gabon, before France agreed to take him and his wife, Michele Bennett. They initially lived near the Swiss border and on the Cote d’Azur with their two children.

His marriage to Ms. Bennett, herself a magnet for criticism for spending millions on luxury goods, ended in 1993. Mr. Duvalier then moved to the Paris area with his companion and longtime public relations officer, Ms. Roy, herself the granddaughter of a former Haitian president.

Press reports have suggested that Mr. Duvalier lost much of his wealth in his divorce settlement with Ms. Bennett, but in February a Swiss court unblocked some $4 million after a drawn-out court case to determine whether the money was legitimately his